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    Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://140.128.103.80:8080/handle/310901/20123


    Title: 從運動到政黨再到執政: 國家-社會關係變遷與民進黨,1980-2008
    Other Titles: From Movement to Party to Government:State-Society Relations and the DPP in Taiwan, 1980-2008
    Authors: 莊冠群
    Chuang, Kuan-chun
    Contributors: 黃崇憲
    Huang, Chung-hsien
    東海大學社會學系
    Keywords: 民進黨;國家-社會關係;政治社會;限制下的選擇新制度論;策略分析
    DPP;state-society relations;political society;choice-within-constraints new institutionalism;strategic analysis
    Date: 2012
    Issue Date: 2013-01-02T03:35:42Z (UTC)
    Abstract: 這是現實政治的研究。這篇論文旨在探析民進黨在民主轉型的脈絡下,由黨外運動、到成為反對黨、再到身為執政黨的歷史過程。在「從運動到政黨再到執政」的標誌下,這篇論文分析民進黨在每一階段中所遭遇的議題。在結合「策略分析」(或「賽局理論」)以及「限制下的選擇新制度論」,這篇論文探討:第一、為什麼在國民黨鎮壓美麗島事件後,黨外運動快速重整、甚至在1986年突破黨禁,成立了民進黨?而又為什麼民進黨會在1990年代初期成為台獨政黨?本文指出:1980年代起的政治機會結構,以及菁英之間的策略互動,是成立民進黨與通過台獨黨綱的主因。第二、在1990年代的民主化與民主鞏固過程中,民進黨的轉型出現了哪些發展策略?而最後勝出的是何種策略?為什麼?本文論證由於國家-社會關係的影響,以及選舉機制的作用,一方面形塑了、也提供了政治行動者的行動偏好與誘因;另一方面,選舉結果成為了民進黨的發展策略之成敗準則。這是陳水扁主張的單獨執政之所以勝出的原因。第三、在2000年首次政權輪替之後到2008年結束執政,首次執政的民進黨遭遇到哪些統治危機?如何處理?本文以「國家正當性」的概念,結合國家-社會關係的模型,來比較民進黨八年執政所遭遇的兩次統治危機:2004年總統大選後的抗爭、以及2006年的反貪倒扁運動。本文指出:這兩次的挑戰,民進黨政府遭遇到的是不同的國家正當性類型危機;而民進黨政府的回應,是以國家正當性的補償機制,來渡過統治危機。總結而論,這篇研究以「政治社會」的浮現與鞏固為要旨,並把政治菁英帶回社會學研究,以策略互動以及競爭觀點,分析了自1980年代到2008年民進黨在民主轉型中的發展歷程。
    This thesis is a study of Realpolitik. It aims to investigate the historical trajectory of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 1980 to 2008, which can be summarized as “from movement to party and to government.” Combining “strategic analysis” (or “game-theoretical approach”) and “choice-within-constraints new institutionalism,” this paper analyzes three issues as follows.Firstly, based on the state-society relations model and from the perspective of strategic analysis, Chapter 2 argues that the structure of political opportunities from the early 1980s and the strategic interactions between political elites help explain why the opposition camp, dangwai, after a major setback of “Kaohsiung Incident” in 1979, was rapidly reorganized and even established a new party, DPP, and why the nascent party transformed itself into a “pro-Taiwan independence party.”Secondly, Chapter 3 argues that as the “political society” was instituted in the process of democratization and democratic consolidation in the 1990s, DPP’s development strategies were restrained by the power logic largely determined by the results of electoral competition. The “independent development” strategy, raised by Shui-bian Chen, the Mayor of the Taipei City from 1994 to 1998, won out as a result.Thirdly, comparing “Protest after the Presidential Election” in 2004 with the “Anti-Corruption and Anti-Chen Campaign” in 2006, this thesis explores why the challenges failed and why the DPP Administration and the DPP went through crises. Drawing on the state-society relations model and the concept of state legitimacy, Chapter 4 argues that the DPP Administration and the DPP responded to challenges with legal-electoral legitimacy as “direct counterattack” in 2004 and with the “shifting mechanism of state legitimacy” in 2006. On the other hand, the state legitimacy and the state-society relations at that time in Taiwan also explain the challengers’ failure.All in all, this thesis focuses on the emergence and consolidation of the “political society,” brings political elites back into sociological inquiry, and highlights strategic analysis and the notion of competition. By doing so it seeks to explain how the political opposition struggled along in the 1980s, how the DPP figured out the winning principle by trial and error in the 1990s, and how the DPP Administration learned to govern in the wake of the power transfer in 2000. This thesis is not only a study of the DPP but also an inquiry of the contemporary political development, from political liberalization to democratic consolidation, in Taiwan.
    Appears in Collections:[社會學系所] 碩博士論文

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